J.T.L. Preston's Cives - Part III

In this final installment of The Cadet's series covering Virginia Military Institute Founder J.T.L Preston's three Cives articles published in The Gazette (now the Lexington Gazette) No. III provides Preston's arguments on whether the state's citizens would accept the cadets as replacements for the arsenal guards, whether sufficient cadets could be recruited for the school, and the potential expense. It concludes with Preston's famous quote that became the inscription on the parapet at the Virginia Military Institute and the important context for it, which many do not know. Cives, Part IIIThe Gazette, Sept. 4th 1835. Cives No. III – By J.T.L Preston In this concluding number, we wish to consider some points upon which objections might be raised. 1st. Would the proposed corps of young men be such a Guard as the State would be willing to receive in the place of the present one? We admit there might be, perhaps, some physical superiority, perhaps, on the part of the present soldiers, but the disparity would not be so considerable as to be of much moment. Admission might be granted only to those more than sixteen or even eighteen years of age, and by proper regulations, sufficient muscular vigor might be ensured, even as to those in the first, or youngest class, while there would always be a considerable proportion possessed of the full power of manhood. But on this subject, it is to be remembered that the Arsenal is a mere magazine, or depository of arms, and the Guard only sentinels over it, and not a fort commanding some important position, and manned with a garrison for its occupation and defence. The object of the Legislature in establishing the Arsenal, as appears from their enactment on the subject, was to provide a proper receptacle for the public arms, where they could be kept in proper preservation for service, and whence they could be distributed to the militia when the occasion should demand. We can hardly suppose any combination of circumstances that would make it prudent, for an invading enemy to penetrate thus far among the mountains of the State, where the fruits of victory would be so few, and where he would be liable to constant attacks from the inhabitants, who might make harassing irruptions, and then retreat amid impregnable fastnesses ---but suppose an enemy in the country; nothing would induce him to attack this Arsenal; except to obtain possession of the arms there, and long before he could possibly penetrate from the seaboard thus far into the interior, all the arms would have been distributed among the inhabitants of the State, for its defence. And if it were attacked, a guard of thirty, whether men or boys, would be nothing to oppose any force that might be sent against it. Indeed to us, moral qualification appears much more important than physical power, and on the score of safety to the public property, we would not hesitate to prefer to the present illiterate band, a corps composed of virtuous, educated, honorable young men, in whom would be found, that incorruptible integrity, and that spirit of patriotism more valuable than the size and strength of grenadiers. 2. Could the young men be obtained?We cannot doubt that there would be a larger number desirous to avail themselves of the opportunities thus afforded than could be admitted. Certainly, each Senatorial District would furnish at least one young man anxious to receive an education, and willing by honorable means, to earn it for himself. We admit that there is an odium resting upon the place, and a prejudice against enlistment; but this has arisen from the character hitherto sustained by the soldiery, and let them be disbanded, and the institution changed in its character and objects, and we venture to say, that so far from there being any difficulty in obtaining students, there would be great competition for admission. 3. What would be the comparative expense of the two systems?The cost of the buildings and all permanent fixtures having been incurred, is not to be taken into the estimate. The salary of the Captain would be the same in either case, and the expense of boarding and clothing thirty students, could not materially vary from that of boarding and clothing an equal number of soldiers. Perhaps better fare, and finer materials might be deemed more proper, in the one case than the other, but the difference would be a mere trifle, and perhaps might be counterbalanced by the great economy in boarding a number together than in distributing rations to messes. The difference of expense in the two plans would be, that we propose to diminish the sum by taking away the wages now given, and to increase it by the amount necessary for the salaries of two additional instructors. Let us see how these two items will compare. At present, each soldier receives $9 per month, or $108 per annum. For 28 men, (the complement allowed by law,) this amounts to $3,024, none of which could be paid, under our plan but instead of it, $1,800 for the support of two instructors, which deducted from the first sum, leaves $1,224 in our favor, thus adding to its other advantages that of superior economy. The State unquestionably, might thus have the same service, evidently as well, and according to our judgment, all things considered, better performed, for less money, and the difference might be placed in her coffers, for any other expenditure. If this were done, the State would in ten years, save $12,240, a sum surely worth looking after. But we would be sorry to see the State thus make use of this surplus, nor have we any idea that she would. It ought to be expended, and doubtless would be expended in increasing the number of students, and perhaps of instructors, or in founding a library; or perhaps better than either, a large part of it would be given to the class that would leave the institution as graduates, to enable them to prosecute their studies for a session at College, or to support them until they could find some occupation. It is true we propose to increase the students to at least thirty-two, the number of Senatorial districts, but this would be an inconsiderable expense in addition. .And this brings to notice, as a feature connected with the scheme, at how much less the Guard might be increased under this plan to fifty or a hundred, or any number, if any state of circumstances should arise which would make it necessary. If fifty were added, their wages would amount to more than$5,000 a year, to say nothing of bounty for enlistment. While fifty might be added to the students at no more cost than their support, which would be about the same as that of hired soldiers. Other views and calculations might be presented, establishing the feasibility of the scheme as to its expenses, but it would only be a repetition of the same statement-that it is cheaper to maintain a body of men without wages, than to support them, and give them $9 per month-which we consider sufficiently obvious, without any further illustration. If there be any other difficulties of moment which may be started, they have not occurred to us, and if there are none we think that we have shown the proposed change to be as practicable as it is advantageous, as well to the State, as to the cause of education and the community at large. If so, upon the principle upon which we started, --that the people pay taxes which support the institution and therefore have a right to demand that these taxes be so expended as to produce the greatest benefit in return, --we will be right in asking the Legislature to take this matter into consideration, and they would do wrong, without cause, to disregard our wishes. And who would not wish to see the change if it would be as practicable and advantageous as we have represented –who would not wish to see those really handsome buildings, which upon their commanding site, adorn the approach to our village, no longer the receptacle to drones, obliged to be restrained by the coercion of military rule, a discordant element in our social system --but the healthy and pleasant abode of a crowd of honorable youths, pressing up the hill of science with noble emulation, a gratifying spectacle, an honor to our county and State, objects of honest pride to their instructors, and fair specimens of citizen-soldiers, attached to their native State, and proud of her fame, and ready, in every time of deepest peril to vindicate her honor, or defend her rights. This number concludes all that we have to present upon this subject and though the execution may have been feeble, the project has not been undertaken without consideration and consultation, nor will it be relinquished without cause. If our fellow-citizens think favorably of the scheme, it will, in proper time be presented to them for their co-operation; if they condemn it as unwise, we can but confess that we have been most egregiously mistaken, and the matter is ended. We cannot hope that in the course of our remarks, we have escaped giving offence to any ---but this, while it is to be regretted, could not be avoided, nor will it deter us from pursuing our object by all proper means. We have made no statement which we did not conscientiously believe to be true, and none, which in our view, was uncalled for, nor have we ''aught set down in malice" in the way of opinion, but, as we believe, fairly and honestly, and with proper motives set forth the reasons supporting our opinion and our wish upon this subject. If we are right, then none ought to be offended. If wrong, no one is more solicitous than ourselves, to have our error pointed out, that we may abandon our scheme if it is impracticable or remedy our plan if it be defective. Cives At the heart of Preston's advocacy was a profound belief in the potential of education to uplift individuals and, by extension, society. In Civis No. III, Preston laid out a compelling argument for replacing professional arsenal guards with cadets—young men who, perhaps less physically imposing than seasoned soldiers, embodied "virtuous, educated, honorable" ideals. He envisioned an institution where merit dictated opportunity rather than wealth or social standing. Cadets would receive a liberal education in return for future service to the state, fostering a self-sustaining cycle of public benefit. Preston's cost-benefit analysis was strikingly pragmatic. He demonstrated that transitioning to a cadet-guard system would save the state money and cultivate a corps of disciplined, educated citizens prepared to serve in times of need. His optimism extended to the belief that VMI would attract more applicants than it could accommodate, especially those "thirsting for an education which they have not the means of obtaining." Fast forward, and VMI's alignment with Preston's vision appears increasingly tenuous. Though the Institute has preserved elements of its original mission, recent changes suggest a pivot away from its foundational commitments. The Decline of VMI's Military Focus Preston was optimistic the VMI model would attract large numbers of cadets and for many years that held true. These traditional sources for cadets were envisioned to be two key and essential components to directly benefit the Commonwealth, the nation, and especially those young men (and now women) who willingly gave themselves over to the transformational process that was VMI. Preston envisioned VMI as a merit-based institution that provided opportunities to underserved populations, offering an education in exchange for service to the state. This vision was reflected in two key state-backed programs: 1. The State Cadet Program (Virginia Code § 23.1-2506) provides financial assistance to cadets based on demonstrated need in return for post-graduation service. Originally, Preston proposed that each Virginia Senate district would provide one cadet under this system. 2. The Virginia National Guard Scholarship Cadet Program (Virginia Code § 23.1-2507) funds tuition for cadets committing to commissioning into the Virginia National Guard. Both of these programs remain codified in Virginia law but appear to have been deprioritized by the Institute, despite directly reflecting Preston's ideal of education as a reciprocal civic investment. Recent Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests revealed a troubling absence of transparency: VMI could not produce records on these programs' current status, nor clarify when or why they might have been discontinued. Neither program features prominently on VMI's financial aid website, effectively obscuring them from potential applicants. Meanwhile, the Virginia Military Survivors and Dependents Education Program (VMSDEP), which provides tuition waivers for families of fallen or disabled military personnel, remains active but underemphasized. A recent funding cut sparked public outcry, yet VMI's Board of Visitors (BOV) refrained from formally supporting the program despite individual members expressing strong support. Shifting Financial PrioritiesPreston believed that any financial surplus should be reinvested into academic enrichment, instructor expansion, or post-graduate opportunities for cadets. In contrast, modern VMI allocates significant resources to athletics, often at the expense of these traditional areas and broader educational initiatives. Rising tuition rates further challenge accessibility for lower-income students, the very demographic Preston sought to empower. During a February 2025 BOV Executive Meeting, the Superintendent stated that VMI athletics would continue operating at a deficit until at least 2027, with future tuition increases expected to help cover costs. Strategic Plan and Cultural ShiftThe most contentious shift at VMI lies in its evolving cultural identity. Preston's ideal of the citizen-soldier—imbued with discipline, honor, and a commitment to public service—has faced modern challenges. The Institute's current strategic plan, "One Corps, One VMI - A Unifying Action Plan," emphasizes inclusivity and retention, aligning with broader societal values. While laudable in its intent, critics argue that this approach risks diluting VMI's distinctive military ethos.Declining commissioning rates further underscore this cultural shift. Historically, 75-80% of VMI graduates entered military service; in 2022, this figure had dropped to just 56%. Moreover, concerns about cadet behavior—from public intoxication to property damage—have strained VMI's relationship with the Lexington community, contrasting sharply with Preston's ideal of disciplined, civic-minded cadets. J.T.L. Preston's vision for VMI was radical and enduring: an institution where young citizens could elevate themselves through education while strengthening the state through service. Nevertheless, the Institute's recent trajectory raises questions about how best to honor that legacy in a rapidly changing world. Is it possible to reconcile tradition with modern societal expectations? Can VMI adapt to contemporary demands while preserving its core mission of producing citizen-soldiers committed to public service? Will financial priorities continue to shift away from merit-based education and service-oriented programs? What role will cadets, alumni, and the Board of Visitors play in determining VMI's future? As VMI's leadership, alums, and cadets grapple with these questions, they stand at a pivotal moment. Today's choices will determine whether Preston's vision remains a living, guiding force—or fades into historical memory. SUPPORT US: True to its founding, The Cadet remains independent, cadet-run, and relies on donations to operate. Please help us preserve the voice of the Corps and alumni by making a tax-deductible donation at: https://thecadetfoundation.org/participate-and-support/