J.T.L Preston's Civis revisited – Part II

In this second part of The Cadet's series on Virginia Military Institute (VMI) Founder J.T.L. Preston's three Civis articles, published in The Gazette (now the Lexington Gazette), we focus on Civis No. II. This article provides Preston's objectives for VMI and outlines the benefits he envisioned for the State, the local community, and the cadets themselves in establishing the Institute. Civis II - September 4, 1835 As we proposed in our first number, we will now proceed to exhibit some of the advantages, which, in our opinion, would result from the change proposed. Without subjecting ourselves to the imputation of exaggeration, an error so common with projectors, we may suppose that under the operation of some system like the one we have sketched out, eight or ten young men would annually leave the institution with highly respectable attainments in literature and science, with a thorough acquaintance with the practice of the military art, and considerable insight into the principles of the science of war. Let us see how this would affect the interests of the State and of this community, and what opportunities it would afford to young men desirous of obtaining an education. 1st. The State. 1. The object of the State in founding and keeping the Arsenal, (the proper and secure preservation of the arms deposited there) would be as well, and as we think, better effected than at present. As we may have occasion to enlarge upon this topic in our next number, we barely enumerate it here. 2. The military system would be gradually improved and invigorated by the accession of qualified officers, which it would receive from this source. The inefficiency of militia organizations has been the subject of much ridicule in every portion of the Union, and schemes for its improvement, or for dispensing with it altogether, have been considered by some of the State Legislatures, and our own has shown, by reducing the number of annual musters from four to two, that it does not aim at anything more than a mere registry of the military strength of the country. This state of things arises, very much, we know, from the impossibility of assembling the people often enough in the ranks to impart any serviceable discipline or knowledge; but it is also attributable in no small degree, to the want of suitable officers. Few of our Captains have skill enough to maneuver their companies decently, and fewer still of the higher officers, know anything of the science of tactics. This deficiency would be remedied, to a considerable extent, by the annual supply of young men, who, having passed through the Institution would be fully qualified to assume a subordinate command, and those whose taste might so direct, would have sufficient knowledge to make themselves distinguished military men. These students might not be universally desirous of a command in the militia of their respective counties, but doubtless many would seek after, and obtain these distinctions; and in case of actual service, the military skill of all would be put into requisition. 3rd. The State is benefited by everything that promotes the cause of education, and it is a part of her settled policy to encourage and foster it. Large expenditures are made for the education of her future voters and her future statesmen, in primary schools, and at the University; and few would be inclined to murmur at this appropriation when they reflect that in the intelligence and virtue of the people, is .the hope of Liberty, and at that one single mind, like that of Clinton, or Fulton, or Arkwright, developing the wealth of a .country, or adding, by inventions, to its capabilities -- one such mind, rescued from the thrall of ignorance, would richly repay the State for all the money ever expended for Public Education. 2nd. The advantages to this community. To those of your readers who live in Lexington orbits vicinity, it need not be said that the soldiery of the Arsenal is the most unpleasant part of our population. This implies no censure upon the management of the gentleman now at the head of that establishment; for he can only enforce the military duties of the place, and is therefore not responsible for the moral character of the inmates, nor ought he to be offended at the expression of opinion upon the subject by others. Nor would we be understood as making these remarks without exception. We know that there have been soldiers at the Arsenal respected by the community, and we do not pretend to say that there may not be such at present; but these exceptions are too rare to impair the force of a general remark upon their character as a body. They are men of idle, dissipated dispositions, to whom the easy duties, and licentious morals of a barracks, offer greater charms than the laborious, regular life of the artisan or farmer. Their idleness engenders and fosters vice, and their wages afford the means for its indulgence. Hence they save nothing of their earning --but when pay-day comes, they have squandered their allowance in advance, and at last, when they leave the place, are turned out upon the world as penniless as before. With such persons, the community at large can have no sympathy or connection. They are entirely a distinct, separate, and to a certain degree, odious class. In short, as a body, they are respected by none, considered obnoxious by some, and disliked by all. How different would be the feeling toward a corps of young men, guided by virtuous principles, ennobled by the ardor of patriotism, and cheered by the proud consciousness that they were, by their own exertions, preparing themselves for the highest posts under their own free government of which they should be capable --mingling with the citizens as their duty might permit upon the equality of gentlemen, ready to aid in every enterprise of patriotism or philanthropy, and at last leaving, sorrowing and sorrowed, a community whose confidence and regard they had secured, and whose sympathies and best wishes would construe to follow them in after life. All must perceive that this community would be the gamer by the substitution of such a corps for the present guard; but how much, none can probably estimate, but a citizen of the place. Moreover every place is directly benefited of the establishment of a literary institution in its bosom and to the influence of Washington College is to be attributed much of the character of our town for intelligence and virtue. From the College, with its present distinguished professors, aided by the late liberal enactments of the Trustees, and the cooperation of the citizens, we have a right to expect great things. We hope too, that the number which crowd our Female Seminary, is a proof that it is to regain its former celebrity, and as the wave is rising, let us swell it still higher, establish this institution, and auxiliary ones, cherish a literary spirit, and accord to literary eminence its proper respect and rank, and we may become the Athens or Boston of Western Virginia. 3rd. The opportunities which would be afforded to young men desirous of obtaining an education. It is melancholy to reflect how much of the energy of the world is crippled up by poverty, and how much of its power is wasted in obscurity. Every community holds in its bosom, many a spirit of fine tone, fretting, like a generous steed degraded to the service of a hack, at the compulsory inferiority of a station in life for which it feels too good. Not a few have, after severe struggles, forced their way up through opposing difficulties,. and gained for themselves noble names in the world's history; but for everyone who has succeeded, what unnumbered and unnamed multitudes have sunk heartbroken under the effort. Genius knows no fixed locality, and is as often born under a cottage roof, as the dome of a palace; and there are hundreds of young men whose minds thirst for an education which they have not the means of obtaining. The opposing difficulties are less formidable now than formerly -- Governments have adopted a wiser and more liberal policy, and the benevolence of various societies and of individuals have been actively engaged in assisting the deserving. Still, though the doors have been widened, the crowd that would enter is too large to be admitted. Governmental favors are a matter of patronage, falling too often upon those who do not stand in need of them. Colleges can do nothing more than remit their fees, and the expense of boarding is too great for many who ought to be there. Most societies require some religious qualifications, and the assistance of individuals is a mere charity, which all do not like to receive. But let an institution be established where, though opportunities are offered, no gratuity is conferred, but an education is given as a compensation of valuable services rendered, and take the most grateful mode of assisting those, who are willing to help themselves. Besides this, the military discipline of the place would essentially conduce to the formation of good habits, and the exercise to health, and many a parent anxious about the morals or the constitution of his son, might be glad to send him here rather than to the collegiate institutions of the country; and if this scheme should go into operation, it would not be a matter of surprise to see students there upon their own expense, in addition to those supported as a guard by the State. We flatter ourselves, (if not blinded by partiality for our own views) that we have, m this number, clearly shown that the proposed change would be so highly advantageous to the State, and to this community -- and would afford such opportunities to deserving young men that all your readers must be favorably inclined to it, if it be practicable, and otherwise unobjectionable, -- the consideration of which topic, we reserve for another number. Together with Civis No. I and completed in Civis No. III, Preston's proposal laid out what was, for his time, the equivalent of a modern Strategic Plan. He did so with remarkable clarity and conciseness, avoiding the need for taglines or slogans. There were no banners proclaiming VMI to be "not ordinary," no vague focus on "winning" without defining its meaning for non-NCAA athletes in the Corps, and no "One Corps – One VMI" messaging prioritizing equity and retention over meritocracy and achievement. Preston's concept and vision carried itself. Preston believed VMI could strengthen the State—and by extension, the nation—through a "military system that would be gradually improved and invigorated by the accession of qualified officers." The primary goal, in his words, was to produce "distinguished military men." Decades later, during remarks to VMI Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) cadets in 1989, Lt. Gen. Jeffrey G. Smith '34 warned about the erosion of this focus. He highlighted a concerning trend of "denigration of a commission and the public service it entails," which could, in turn, diminish VMI's reputation. Smith recounted the words of former Superintendent Gen. E.W. Nichols, who emphasized that VMI's military purpose—ROTC and its structure—was "a means to an end," with that end being "the development of an Officers' Reserve Corps... to command a volunteer or drafted army in times of emergency." Today, this mission seems diminished. Approximately 50% of cadets involved in ROTC graduate as commissioned officers, a significant decline from the 75-80% seen in previous decades. Of those, only 50-60% enter active duty, with others commissioning into the National Guard or Reserves. The demands of National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) schedules and other institutional factors have reshaped military training at VMI, including adjustments to the timing of Breakout—traditionally a defining moment of the Ratline. While Preston had a vision for strengthening the military system, he also saw VMI as a transformative presence for Lexington and its surrounding community. Instead of the disorderly garrison guard force he described as "men of idle, dissipated dispositions," Preston envisioned a "corps of young men, guided by virtuous principles, ennobled by the ardor of patriotism." For much of its history, VMI lived up to that ideal. Cadets were admired for their discipline and decorum, often viewed favorably compared to students at neighboring institutions like Washington and Lee University. VMI graduates left lasting marks on society: seven Medal of Honor recipients, 11 Rhodes Scholars, 293 general and flag officers, and prominent leaders in politics, science, and business. Most notably, Gen. George C. Marshall remains the only soldier in history to win the Nobel Peace Prize. In recent years, however, members of the Lexington community have observed a troubling decline in cadet behavior. Reports of incidents in neighborhoods like Diamond Hill include public intoxication, property damage, foul language, and disruptive behavior. Residents described cadets and parents partying on rooftops, throwing beer cans, and urinating in the streets.This shift is a troubling echo of Preston's critique of the pre-VMI arsenal guard, a group he described as "respected by none, considered obnoxious by some, and disliked by all." Beyond his aspirations for the State and community, Preston also imagined VMI as a place of opportunity for young men of merit—those who might otherwise be denied an education due to financial barriers. He wrote passionately about the Institute providing education "as compensation of valuable services rendered" rather than gratuitous aid, recognizing that many could "help themselves" if given the chance. In contrast, the rising cost of a VMI education today stands in stark opposition to Preston's ideal. In-state tuition now totals $32,356 annually, while out-of-state cadets face $63,948 in costs. Fees include a $4,064 athletic charge to support NCAA programs that benefit only 30% of the Corps, along with a $2,678 annual uniform fee for items cadets do not retain after graduation. Financial strain has become a leading reason cadets cite for leaving the Institute. VMI's current Strategic Plan prioritizes retention and inclusivity over Preston's merit-based model. The plan's stated goal—"to be among the top five Virginia public institutions in retention and graduation rates"—focuses on numbers rather than challenging cadets to rise to meet VMI's standards. Further complicating this shift is the question of physical and psychological standards. General Order 20 asserts that cadets are expected to meet the demanding requirements of VMI's educational program, yet it also states that VMI "does not consider medical history" when offering appointments. While the order strongly advises candidates with concerns to apply elsewhere, exceptions to the Ratline's physical rigors have been noted, including medical exemptions that allow some Rats to bypass physical challenges. At the same time, cadets unable to meet fitness or body fat standards remain part of the Corps. Preston's belief that military discipline would "conduce to the formation of good habits and the exercise to health" appears compromised, as standards seem increasingly flexible. In Preston's model, cadets unable to meet expectations would be challenged to improve—or required to leave. J.T.L. Preston's vision for VMI, as outlined in his Civis articles, was built on principles of merit, discipline, and service. His belief in the Institute as a transformative force for individuals, the community, and the nation remains as compelling today as it was in 1835. However, the shift toward retention, inclusivity, and reduced accountability raises questions about whether VMI still aligns with its founding ideals. The final installment of this series will analyze Civis No. III, in which Preston addresses potential objections to his proposal and articulates his immortal words—words every cadet must memorize—within the context of the Institute's original purpose.